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\title{When the Wall Came Down. The Perception of German Reunification in International Diplomatic Documents 1989–1990 (Quaderni di Dodis 12)Debatte über die deutsche Wiedervereinigung; Information und Sprachregelung}
\author{Marc Dierikx, Sacha Zala}
\date{}
\maketitle








				\chapter*{\TeiHeadVI{ \href{http://dodis.ch/52928}{\TeiRefIII{ dodis.ch/52928 }} Circular \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ Circular (translated from German): Austrian State Archive ÖStA, AdR, BMAA, II-Pol 1989, GZ. 22.17.01/8-II.1/89. Written and signed by Johann Plattner, dodis.ch/P57520 ; also published in Wilson Center, doc.165713. Sent to the Foreign Minister, the General Secretary, the Section Heads, the Departments II.3 and II.6 as well as the Austrian diplomatic representations according to the distribution list “East + West.” The head of the department for Eastern and Southeastern Europe in the Political Section of the Austrian Foreign Ministry, Ernst Sucharipa, had demanded major changes in the wording. }} by the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs \section*{ Debate on German Reunification; Information and Language Regime } }}\markboth{\TeiHeadVI{
					\href{http://dodis.ch/52928}{\TeiRefIII{ dodis.ch/52928 }}
					 Circular  by the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
					\section*{ Debate on German Reunification; Information and Language
						Regime }

				}}{\TeiHeadVI{
					\href{http://dodis.ch/52928}{\TeiRefIII{ dodis.ch/52928 }}
					 Circular  by the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
					\section*{ Debate on German Reunification; Information and Language
						Regime }

				}}

					\TeiDateline{\TeiDateline{
						 Vienna, 
						 10 November 1989 
					}}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ Concerning a possible redesigning of the German-German relationship in
					connection with the current debate on the East-West development, the following
					information and language regime in agreement with Dep. II.3 \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{
						Ernst Sucharipa (1947–2005),  dodis.ch/P57511
						 , Head of the Department for Eastern and Southeastern Europe in the
						Political Section of the Austrian Foreign Ministry 1987–1990. }} are
					being disclosed \TeiTitleIII{ 1) Basic documents }

The victorious
					powers had already agreed at the \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Yalta Conference }} (in early 1945)
					about division of Germany ("westward shift" of Poland; breaking up of Germany:
					"In the exercise of this power, they (the victorious powers) will take such
					measures ... including the complete disarmament ... and dismemberment of Germany
					... as they see necessary … for keeping the future peace"). }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ With the resolutions of the \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Potsdam Conference }} (summer 1945) the
					victors took over authority of Germany and divided the country into occupation
					zones. Until further notice, no central German Government was to be installed.
					The final territorial settlement should be reserved for a peace conference. A
					formulation from the Yalta conference report was included again ("... take
					measures which are necessary to assure that Germany can never again ... threaten
					world peace"). }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ In the preamble of the Basic Law, the entire German people is called upon to in
					free self-determination, bring about the unity and freedom of Germany in a
					united Europe. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ The "Convention on relations between the Three Powers and the FRG" (1952), by
					which the occupation regime was ended and the FRG gained full sovereignty,
					states: "In view of the international situation, which until now has prevented
					the reunification of Germany and the conclusion of a peace treaty, the Three
					Powers retain their heretofore exercised or held rights and responsibilities
					with respect to Berlin and Germany as a whole, including the reunification of
					Germany and a peace settlement. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ In the \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Treaty on the basis of relations between the Federal Republic of
						Germany and the German Democratic Republic }} (1972) both countries
					argue for the development of normal good-neighborly relations on the basis of
					equality and reaffirm the inviolability of the existing borders. In the
					preamble, however, the differing views of the FRG and the GDR on fundamental
					questions, including the national question, are determined. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ In “ \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Letter on German Unity }} ” (1970 \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ In the
						original falsely indicated as 1979. }} ), the FRG affirmed its claim to
					reunification (“... to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German
					nation will regain its unity through free self-determination”). }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ Retention of the reunification claim is also put down in \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Additional
						Clarifications of the FRG on the Treaty of Rome }} (non-recognition of
					East German citizenship; protocol on inter-German trade; reservation concerning
					a possible future EC membership of the GDR). }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ The \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Federal Constitutional Court }} asserted in its judgments on the
					Eastern Treaties (1973 and 1975) that the German Reich continues to exist under
					international law, and the restoration of national unity may not be given up by
					any constitutional body as a political goal. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ The \TeiEmph{\TeiEmph{ Constitution of the GDR }} (1974) does not contain any intention
					to reunify. \TeiTitleIII{ 2) The Policy of the Bonn Government }

					Despite their retention of the claim to reunification, the government in Bonn
					operates under the current reality of the existence of two German States,
					respects the inviolability of existing borders and maintains a "Permanent
					Representation" in (East)-Berlin. This representation is, however, not under the
					control of the Foreign Office, but by the Federal Chancellery and is headed by a
					Secretary of State. A GDR citizenship has, however, never been recognized. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ The government in Bonn has tried in recent years to work through a policy of
					small steps to improve the status quo in relations with the GDR (improving the
					human rights situation, more freedom and democracy in the GDR, more freedom to
					travel through a "permeable" border). }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ In his previous statements on German-German relations, Foreign Minister Genscher
						\footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ Hans-Dietrich Genscher (1927–2016),  dodis.ch/P15414  ,
						Vice-Chancellor and Minster for Foreign Affairs of the FGR 1982–1992.
					}} has pointed out in light of recent developments that the FRG also sees
					the framework for the goal, which was formulated in the Letter on German Unity,
					in the European Peace Order. This goal can only be achieved in full respect of
					the concluded treaties and only with all countries in Europe, not against them.
					In accordance with the thought expressed in the Basic Law (“... in a united
					Europe ...”), Genscher wants changes in the German-German relationship to be
					embedded in a pan-European development. With regard to statements made by West
					German politicians, in which the existing borders of Poland are questioned,
					Chancellor Kohl \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ Helmut Kohl (1930–2017),  dodis.ch/P32852  , Chancellor of
						the FRG 1982–1998. }} and Foreign Minister Genscher have since
					clarified that the FRG makes no territorial claims toward Poland. \TeiTitleIII{ 3) The Attitude of the GDR }

The government of the GDR
					without change emphasizes - not least in the context of citizenship - the
					existence and international recognition of two German states. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ It appears worth noticing that the reform groups have not in any way called the
					independent existence of the GDR into question so far: the right to
					reunification is not raised in opposition circles. \TeiTitleIII{ 4) The
						Attitude of the European States }

From Gorbachev’s \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ Mikhail Gorbachev (*1931),  dodis.ch/P31707  , General
						Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 11.3.1985–24.8.1991,
						Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union 25.5.1989–15.3.1990 and
						President of the Soviet Union 15.3.1990–25.12.1991. }} statements (the
					current European order is not being idealized, but recognition of the post-war
					reality has so far secured peace on the continent) and Foreign Minister
					Shevardnadze’s \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ Eduard Shevardnadze (1928–2014),  dodis.ch/P54603  , Minister of
						Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union 2.7.1985–26.12.1990 }} statements
					(rejection of revanchist forces that tried to revise postwar realities in
					Europe) it is clear that the Moscow leadership still holds on to the “status quo
					ante” and will not allow any change of this order. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ In the relevant parts of the joint statement signed by Gorbachev and Kohl on 13
					June 1989, formulations are used which are compatible with the position of the
					Soviet Union (namely the right to freely choose one's system, but respect for
					the integrity of each State; participation of Berlin (West) in the developing
					cooperation under strict observation of the Four Power Agreement of 1971). A
					rethinking in Moscow of the Berlin question or even the Germany question has not
					yet come about. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ Of the Western European countries only statements by France and Belgium on the
					German-German question have become known. President Mitterrand \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ François Mitterrand (1916–1996),  dodis.ch/P47396  , President of
						France 1981–1995. }} noted that the reunification of the two German
					states is a legitimate concern of the German people, but that this issue also
					concerns the four victorious powers and that European stability must be given
					priority. Foreign Minister Eyskens \footnote{\TeiNoteIII{ Mark Eyskens (*1933),
							 dodis.ch/57464  , Belgian
						Foreign Minister 1989–1992. }} declared in the Belgian senate that
					there is sympathy for the German people’s desire for reunification, but that a
					solution to this problem must be integrated into the pan-European development. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ The overall conclusion is that the Western European countries assess the
					opportunity of German reunification with great reserve. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ The United States is much more positive towards a reunification of the two
					German states. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ What solutions are to be found for the German-German question (the continuation
					of a second German state but with democratic structures, a federal solution,
					reunification) are not foreseeable. It is highly probable that the topic of
					reunification will occupy and influence European policy in the coming years. }}

				\TeiP{\TeiP{ Only in the case that the embassy is addressed in this regard, it should state
					that the right to self-determination, which Austria supports without
					restriction, must of course also apply to the population of the GDR. Any change
					in the German-German relationship, however, should be such that the process
					détente and peace in Europe is not endangered. }}

	
\end{document}